All EOS blogs All Spain blogs  Start your own blog Start your own blog 

Catalonia Calling

Concentrating particularly on Catalan culture, history and language and paying attention to the current independence process. I wil also be including excerpts from my forthcoming book 'Catalonia Is Not Spain: A Historical Perspective'

Spanish Government's Abuse Of Legal Action Against Catalonia Just Gets Worse
Wednesday, November 19, 2014

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

I must admit I've had a particularly grumpy couple of days due to the news that the Spanish State Public Prosecuter (Fiscal del Estado) Eduardo Torres-Dulce is insisting on bringing charges  of disobedience and perversion of justice among others against Catalan President Artur Mas and Vice President Joana Ortega as well as possibly against Minister of Education Irene Rigau and Minister of the Interior Ramon Espadaler. All the charges arise from the Catalan participative vote that was held on Sunday 9th November so let's review what happened.

Legal Action Against 9n

The Catalans have been wanting to hold some kind of referendum on independence ever since the massive demonstration in Barcelona on September 11th 2012 and have tried to get agreement from central government by every means possible. Last May permission to hold a referendum was refused by Spanish Congress with all major parties, including PSOE, voting against giving Catalans the right to express their opinion democratically.

In September, the Catalan Parliament passed a Law of Non-Referendary Consultations and President Mas signed a decree calling a non-binding consultation on Catalan independence for November 9th or 9N, as it became known. The consultation, which may I remind you wasn't even a referendum but a non-binding way of collecting the Catalan people's opinion, was almost immediately prohibited by Spain's Constutional Court.

Apart from there being something extremely perverse about not allowing people to vote, central government's use of the Spanish judiciary as a weapon in what is essentially a political disagreement has been extremely cynical. Furthermore, politicising the legal system is an extremely dangerous road to go down. In a modern democracy, Politics and the The Law (both in capital letters) should be kept completely separate.

The Sacred Spanish Constitution

The Spanish government's argument at all times has been that a referendum on Catalan independence is both illegal and unconstitutional because the Spanish nation is 'indissoluble' and sovereignty resides in all the Spanish people. However, Spain has had 12 different constitutions over the last 200 years so they're not exactly written in stone.

The current constitution was rushed through in 1978 shortly after the death of Franco, when Spain was still under the threat of a military coup, by a group of politicians that included a number of Franco's ex-ministers, Manuel Fraga and Rodolfo Martín Villa being two of the most obnoxious members.

Similarly, the current constitution was modified in 1992 and then again in 2011 so when Spanish politicians want to make changes, they are happy to do so. The problem with the Catalan question is that there is no political will from central government to resolve it so they use the law and the constitution out of sheer laziness.

9N Goes Ahead

Anyway, once the consultation had been blocked by the constitutional court, the Catalans were bound to find a way round it and announced that they would be holding a 'participative process' on November 9th. It wouldn't be called by decree so it would be even less official than the consultation. The official census wouldn't be used to avoid coming into conflict with data protection laws and voting wouldn't be at normal polling stations but on Generalitat-owned properties so there would be no last-minute hitches. Furthermore, all people manning the polling stations would be volunteers because any civil servants involved in official capacity had been threatened with suspension from work by central government.

Basically, what was being organised was a big voting festival that had no more validity than signing a petition. Central government's initial reaction was to make fun of the event saying that it included no democratic guarantees. This was perfectly true but the symbolic meaning of 9N was completely obvious.

Soon there were over 40,000 volunteers willing to man the polling stations and the Generalitat invented a system whereby voters registered using their identity card guaranteeing that nobody could vote more than once. This meant the voting results would be pretty reliable and actually counting the number of people who voted in favour of independence is a lot more powerful than estimating the number of people on a demonstration.

A Confused Spanish Government

The Spanish government started to get rattled and typically turned to the legal system to do their dirty work for them. About 5 days before the 'New 9N', the Constitutional Court had a difficult ruling to make. How could they ban something that hadn't been officially called, had no validity and was being organised by volunteers? They couldn't stop the event taking place so they ruled that the Generalitat should take no further part in the organisation of the vote.

Central government continued with its mixed messages. On the evening before the 9N vote, Spanish President Mariano Rajoy made a speech saying that he had promised that a consultation wouldn't take place and the following day's vote wasn't a real consultation so he had kept his word. Effectively what he was saying was that they had tried to illegalise something that wasn't happening.

The 9N vote was an extraordinary success. The day was happy, festive and peaceful and the vote was extremely well-organised. This was confirmed by a group of international observers led by British MEP Ian Duncan, who celebrated the Catalans' desire for democracy.

Over 2.3 million Catalans voted, which made up around 40% of the census, and of these about 1.9 million voted in favour of independence. Given the difficult circumstances, although not yet a majority, the turnout and vote in favour show that a significant number of Catalans want to be allowed to express their opinion and many of those want to break away from Spain.

A Break With Spain

However, even more significant was the fact that more than 2.3 million Catalans had deliberately disobeyed the Constitutional Court ruling. In fact, many people had got to the polling stations early just in case the police came later to withdraw the ballot boxes. What had happened was a massive act of civil disobedience. Normally law-abiding Catalans had ignored the wishes of the Spanish government and would have stood up against the police. The divide between Catalonia and Spain had just widened and for most of the people who voted on 9N Catalonia is no longer part of Spain.

During the day, Catalan President admitted full legal responsibility for the event, which was in effect another way of sticking two fingers up at Mariano Rajoy's government and their constitutional court lackeys. However, given the success of the day, this should have been no surprise to anyone. By accepting responsibility, he was staking his claim to continue leading a political process that looks increasingly like it's going to end in independence for Catalonia. He is a politician after all.

Time To Talk

All the posturing over, with a very clear message from the Catalan people, it would have made sense for the Spanish government to start to talk. The message from the international press was that the Catalans should be allowed a legal vote and when you stop and think about it, this is the only way to avoid what might turn out to be an unpleasant confrontation.

Furthermore, a proper debate on the pros and cons needs to take place and who knows, in much the same way as the Better Together campaign did in Scotland, Spain might be able to convince the Catalans that they still have a future within the Spanish state.

Legal Action Against Artur Mas

However, almost immediately Mariano Rajoy was back up to his old tricks. It wasn't the Constitutional Court this time but rather the Fiscalia General del Estado - the State Public Prosecutor's Office - who were asked to take legal action against Artur Mas and other Catalan ministers accused of disobedience and perversion of justice. The State Public Prosecutor duly drew up the charges and sent them to the Fiscalia del Tribunal Superior de Catalunya, who would be responsible for the prosecution before the Tribunal Superior de Catalunya or the Catalan Supreme Court.

Last week the Catalan Public Prosecutors met and after more than a day's deliberations reached the decision, by 6 to 3, that the accusations against Artur Mas and the other ministers wouldn't stand up in court. Let's face it, disobedience and perversion of justice for organising something which the government claims didn't take place and if it did was run by volunteers are pretty flimsy charges.

Unfortunately, the government insisted and ordered the State Public Prosecutor Eduardo Torres-Dulce to pressurise his Catalan homologue José Romero de Tejada, who put the charges before the Catalan Public Prosecutors again. This time they voted unanimously against and it looks like all hell's going to break loose because the government insists that the law acts on its behalf.

Can't they just let it drop? It seems not.

As former Vanguardia editor José Antich wrote in Ara yesterday "It's an old tradition. They always take the wrong route. We have to get used to it. There's a normal intelligent way to go, and they always unequivocally take the wrong one."

I think he's right. Every time one of these confrontations between Catalonia and Spain looms, I can't help but expect them to behave like normal human beings. When they react like raving totalitarians I feel hurt and upset because it's actually not any good for anyone. The best thing to do would be to sit down and talk.

However, after a bit of a rant and a rave yesterday, I've finally come to realise that it's just another stage in the separation process. 2.3 million Catalans now no longer feel Spanish and it looks as if the Catalan legal system is about to unhook from Spain as well.

It's quite possible that Torres-Dulce will force the Catalan Public Prosecutors to take legal action against Artur Mas but if he does the results for Spain will only be worse. The Catalan Prosecutors have to build the case against Artur Mas and then they have to argue it before the judges of the Catalan Supreme Court. They've already said that they don't think there's a decent case against the Catalan President so they're going to have their work cut out to be convincing.

Furthermore, due to the qualification system known as opposiciones, many of the Catalan Public Prosectors tend to be Spanish-speaking and have often been sent to Catalonia from other parts of Spain. However, judges tend to be Catalan because they've worked their way up through the legal system here in Catalonia. To make matters worse for the government, a lot of them tend to be in favour of independence for Catalonia so if the Catalan Public Prosecutors try to bring charges against Artur Mas, the case is going to have to be watertight otherwise it won't be accepted.

It seems to me that Spanish government, as José Antich suggests, is taking the worst decision it possibly can. I was unhappy about this yesterday but now I'm looking on the bright side. Independence for Catalonia has just got one step closer.

***

BUY MY BOOK ON AMAZON!

Catalonia Is Not Spain: A Historical Perspective on Amazon.co.uk

Catalonia Is Not Spain: A Historical Perspective on Amazon.es

Catalonia Is Not Spain: A Historical Perspective on Amazon.com



Like 0        Published at 1:18 PM   Comments (2)


1: An Adopted Catalan
Friday, November 14, 2014

I have decided to serialise my new book Catalonia Is Not Spain: A Historical Perspective on EyeOnSpain. Here's the first chapter An Adopted Catalan. If you like what you read you can buy the book on Amazon.

Catalonia Is Not Spain: A Historical Perspective on Amazon.co.uk

Catalonia Is Not Spain: A Historical Perspective on Amazon.es

Catalonia Is Not Spain: A Historical Perspective on Amazon.com

 

Of course, I'd be extremely grateful for positive reviews and comments. Thanks in advance.

***

Chapter 1: An Adopted Catalan

When I arrived in Barcelona in 1988, I landed in what I thought was Barcelona, Spain. I had no idea that Catalonia had ever been a separate country or had aspirations of separating from Spain again in the future. I immediately fell in love with life in the city of Barcelona and my early trips up the coast and out into the Catalan countryside convinced me that I'd wound up in a pretty cool place.

Catalonia still felt like a region of Spain to me so given the choice of two languages, I opted to learn Spanish rather than Catalan. All the bilingual Catalans spoke Spanish anyway and it would also mean I'd be able to get by on jaunts around the rest of Spain.

Adaptation

The process of immersion in Catalan culture was a slow one. I suppose it began by choosing to support FC Barcelona rather than Real Madrid and continued as I started to watch more and more television in Catalan. In those days, Spanish television was as dreadful as it is now and was mainly game shows, South American soap operas and dumb gossip programmes.

I vividly remember the first time I switched the dial on my cheap portable TV over to Catalan TV3 and was greeted by an episode of Star Trek: The Next Generation. In fact, the 'Space the final frontier..' introduction was the first thing I ever memorised in the Catalan language. What's more, I was probably feeling a bit homesick and lots of British series were shown on TV3. Dubbed versions of sitcoms, such as Fawlty Towers, The Young Ones, Some Mothers Do 'Ave 'Em and Yes, Minister, and the soaps Eastenders, Coronation Street and Neighbours all made me feel much more at home even if it was a little surrealistic hearing Michael Crawford say 'Oooh, Betty ...' and then continue in Catalan.

This must have been around 1989 or 1990 and I wasn't yet familiar with some of the differences between Catalan and Spanish culture. To be perfectly honest, everything seemed a foreign jumble to me. I do remember thinking, though, that if these people chose to show British TV series, they probably had more in common with me than the ones that chose to show South American soaps and bullfighting.

My grasp of the language improved very quickly and I began to notice the positive effect that a few words of Catalan had on people. I was mainly freelance English teaching in those days and every time I went to meet a new client things seemed to go better if I introduced myself in Catalan, apologised for my limitations and then switched to Spanish. So in many respects my first reason for getting to grips with the language was in order to get better work.

A Personal Introduction

The crucial person in this early period, though, was my ex-wife's, then girlfriend's, Aunt Magdalena, a committed Catalanist who was in her sixties and so had lived in Barcelona throughout most of the turbulent 20th century. Aunt Magdalena told me stories of the Spanish Civil War, of getting arrested for speaking Catalan under Franco and of the celebrations in Barcelona on the night the dictator died. As they were personal anecdotes, everything hit home much more deeply and my imagination was fired. I remember one story she told of how, unlike most of her generation, she learnt to read and write in Catalan.

In 1939, as soon as the Civil War was over, all schooling was done in Spanish even though this was long before the mass immigration to Catalonia from the rest of Spain began in the 1950s. All the children and teachers at Magdalena's school in the working-class neighbourhood of Poblenou spoke Catalan as their first language but weren't allowed to speak it in class.

Magdalena's class teacher made a pact with the children and their parents. All lessons would be done in Castilian Spanish during the school day and the children would stay behind for an extra hour to go over the lessons again in Catalan. This would serve both as revision and the chance to study in Catalan. It had to be a secret and the schoolbooks couldn't leave the classroom under any circumstances. The teacher hid the books behind the false back of the classroom cupboard. As she was quite pretty, every time the school inspector came, she would flirt with him to make sure he didn't look too closely at what was in the cupboard.

Magdalena and her friend Mercè would also take my ex-wife and I on cultural excursions out into different parts of Catalonia. This was taken as a great excuse for her to teach me Catalan history. She'd had polio as a child and had a walking stick that she used not only as a means of support but also as a form of exclamatory punctuation as she told her stories. I vividly remember her standing on the beach at Cambrils. She waved her stick in the air in the vague direction of the Balearic Islands proclaiming that it was here from where the fleet of Jaume I the Conqueror had sailed on the quest to capture Mallorca from the Saracens.

Magdalena's claims that Catalonia had once had an empire covering a third of Spain, the bottom half of France and most of the Mediterranean, including parts of Italy and Greece, struck me as a little far-fetched. I started reading up on the subject in various languages, English, Catalan and Spanish, and found that all these claims were backed up by reputable historians. Why had I never heard anything about this? I wondered.

Integration

In 1992, I moved to the Barcelona suburb of Sant Andreu and set up home with my future wife. Having moved away from the city centre expat haunts, the integration process accelerated. Gradually my social life became more locally centred and soon I was a regular attender at the Narcis Sala football stadium, home to third division UE Sant Andreu.

I also got to know my in-laws much better and to a certain extent, became a member of a Catalan family. One of the things that struck me was how Catalan they were in private but how they became Spanish in public. Catalan was the only language spoken over Sunday dinner behind the closed doors of the family home.

After lunch, Jaume, my Catalan father-in-law, and I would sometimes go for a beer in one of the local bars. As the lift hit the ground floor and we walked out into the street, Jaume suddenly became Jaime using the Spanish version of his name and only speaking Spanish.

It struck me as very strange having two versions of your name, one private and one public. I could only surmise that the change in identity went back to the Franco period when, if not completely illegal, speaking Catalan in public was definitely frowned upon. Nearly 20 years after the death of the dictator this was the learned behaviour that had become a habit. My father-in-law had no particular political axe to grind. He had always always kept his nose clean in order to earn a decent living for his family.

Another formative experience was attending the wedding of one of my wife's cousins in the Empordà region up near the French border. Half the guests were Spanish. The other half were French and included the children of uncles and aunts who had moved across the border during the dictatorship. The language used by everyone was Catalan and this was the first time I witnessed that the Catalan identity stretched beyond the borders of Spain. Perhaps it was true that the Catalans were a stateless nation who still occupied a territory much larger than modern Catalonia. The common bond between these people was obviously the language.

In 1994, my daughter Carme was born and becoming the father of a little Catalan girl, brought home what the expression 'mother tongue' really meant. When a mother comforts her baby or sings them to sleep at night, they do this in the language that comes most naturally to them and in my wife's case it was Catalan. Speaking to her daughter in her native language certainly wasn't any kind of strident political act as some people had led me to believe.

A Political Perspective

By the time Jose Maria Aznar's first Partido Popular government came to power in 1996, my affections were already Catalan. Beyond the odd insult for supporting Barça and once getting physically thrown out of a bar in Mallorca for ordering in Catalan, I wasn't really aware of how much the existence of the Catalan language annoyed a certain section of Spanish society. This all changed very quickly under a Partido Popular government.

It was immediately obvious that the Partido Popular's electoral tactic was to appeal to conservative deep Spain by attacking Catalans and Basques in much the same way as right-wing parties in Britain attack immigrants and attempt to create 'an ogre within'. As the legislature continued, so did the anti-Catalan insults, especially from the likes of Minister of Education, Culture and Sport, Esperanza Aguirre. I felt I was being pushed towards an increasingly pro-Catalan position but the idea of Catalonia as an independent state was still very far from my mind.

My political position at the time was broadly Catalan socialist. I supported PSC, the Catalan affiliate of PSOE, the Spanish equivalent of the Labour Party. Despite a growing commitment to Catalan history, culture and language, I wasn't yet convinced by the purely Catalan political parties. The hopes of Esquerra Republicana for an independent Catalonia were simply not realistic in the 1990s. The middle-class Catalan conservatism of Convergència i Unió smacked of racism and snobbery at times.

One might not be totally happy that more than 2 million Spanish-speaking emigrants had come to Catalonia during Franco's dictatorship but for Catalonia to live in harmony, they had to be integrated. PSC or the Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya was basically an alliance between working-class Andalusian trades unionists and middle-class Catalan left-wing intelligentsia. It seemed the only party capable of serving the needs of both Catalans and Spanish speakers at the time.

In Defence of Education

My daughter had started pre-school in 1997 but it was when she began Primary School in 1999 that I really got the chance to see the Catalan education system from the inside.

I hadn't really given the idea of linguistic immersion much thought before but in a neighbourhood like Sant Andreu, which is about 50% Catalan-speaking and 50% Spanish-speaking, it definitely made sense that the main language of teaching was Catalan. My daughter came from a bilingual Catalan-English home but had picked up Castilian Spanish through television and other kids at pre-school so, by the time she started proper school, she was comfortably trilingual.

Lots of her friends, who spoke Spanish at home and only watched Spanish TV, though, would never learn Catalan unless proactive measures were taken. Teaching the majority of subjects in Catalan definitely seemed the best way to ensure that all my daughter's classmates would grow up bilingual. In the long run, this was the only way to guarantee a peaceful and integrated society.

As I was very happy with the education my daughter was getting, I was appalled to see attacks from Madrid on the Catalan school system and Education Minister Esperanza Aguirre's plans to make Catalan optional and homogenise the humanities syllabus were completely ridiculous. Having done quite a lot of reading about Catalan and Spanish history by that point, I realised that they were two quite different stories. Normally the Spanish version simply didn't bother to mention Catalonia's medieval empire or the conquest of the Iberian peninsula's eastern coast from the Moors. For most Spanish school history books, the founding of Spain began in Asturias, was consolidated in Castile and finished in Andalusia.

If central government had its way, my daughter would be taught an edited version of the truth. The official picture of Spain as a homogenous indissoluble unit conflicted with the Catalan view of a group of independent states that had gradually come together to form a nation state between the 15th and 18th centuries.

Another effect of having a school age daughter was that it acted as a motivation to take my Catalan to another level. I could already get by in Catalan but it seemed enormously important to be able to help my daughter with her homework and the only way to do that was by working on my Catalan. It was interesting actually because I started off with really easy subjects when my daughter was five and things got progressively more difficult as she got older.

I also started reading a lot more history and politics and colleagues at the British Council began commenting on how strange I was for being so keen on Catalan language and culture. However, the language was a key factor in getting a teaching job at the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona so perhaps I wasn't so strange after all!

By this time I was also already writing what would later become my first book Going Native in Catalonia, which was published in 2008. I was a Catalanist in all but the idea of full independence. I identified completely with the defence of the Catalan identity and understood Catalonia's complaints against the centralist Spanish  government but separating from Spain completely still seemed impractical.

Autonomy and Democracy

When José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero's PSOE replaced José Maria Aznar's Partido Popular as Spain's governing party in 2004, the atmosphere of tension appeared to subside considerably. Political decisions were still taken in Madrid but at least Catalonia wasn't on the receiving end of attacks and insults.

Around 2005 I finally picked up on news that a new Statute of Autonomy was being drafted. Popularly known as the Estatut, it would bring the out of date 1978 Statute into line with current feelings and specifically recognise some of Catalonia's historic differences with the rest of Spain. This seemed like a perfect compromise to me.

The new Estatut was finalised and approved by the Catalan Parliament in 2006 and although I heard complaints that clauses had been removed or modified by the Spanish Parliament in Madrid, it still felt like a step forward. The revised document received a convincing majority when it was put to referendum in Catalonia. My argument at the time was that now we had a few more rights in the bag, the next step would be to push for some more.

I heard rumours that the Partido Popular were going to appeal against the Estatut but not being actively involved in politics at the time, I didn't take them very seriously. Furthermore, in autumn 2008 I became quite ill so I was busy worrying about other things. Just as I was pulling through the worst of the illness in the late-spring of 2010, it seemed as if the Spanish Constitutional Court ruling on the Estatut was about to be announced.

I dismissed talk that Madrid would never cede any extra power to Catalonia as pessimistic fear-mongering. When news broke that the Estatut had been declared unconstitutional on June 27th 2010, I couldn't believe it. I was utterly and completely flabbergasted.

How could it be? The Estatut had been voted on by the Parliament of Catalonia, approved by the Spanish Congress and Senate in Madrid and finally ratified by the Catalan people. After so many democratic processes how could it possibly be unconstitutional?

At that moment I, and many like me, realised that however much Catalonia tried to make a space for itself within Spain, its claims would always be rejected. Any plurality or deviation from the official Spanish identity would not be tolerated. I'd been pro-Catalan for a long time but after the Constitutional Court ruling it became clear that independence for Catalonia was the only way forward.

A couple of weeks later, I joined more than million Catalans on the demonstration in central Barcelona against the Estatut sentence. We shouted "Som una nació. Nosaltres decidim" - 'We are nation. We decide.' - until we were hoarse. I don't think many of us were very clear of where this would take us but as events have since shown, there was no turning back.

 



Like 0        Published at 10:30 AM   Comments (10)


Provisional Results For Catalan 9N Participatory Vote
Monday, November 10, 2014

With over 2,225,000 votes cast in the Catalan participatory vote in Catalonia alone, what has become known as the new 9N can be considered a massive success for both democratic principles and the Catalan people. With 80% of voters voting in favour of outright independence, it really looks like the Spanish government would be wise to start to take notice of the wishes of the Catalan people, although given their track record and initial statements from the Minister of Justice last night, this seems unlikely.

 

As you can see from the graphic above with 84% of votes counted, the Si-Si votes have come out a clear winner with an estimated 80% of votes counted. At the time of writing, this amounted to 1,649,239 in favour of independence from Spain.

Please remember that the question was "Are you in favour of Catalonia becoming a state? In the case of an affirmative answer, do you want that state to be independent?"

The Si-Nos, who want to see significant changes to the Spanish constitution and have Catalonia remain within a Federal Spain, polled 10% whilst those clearly against any change in the current relationship between Catalonia and Spain polled 4,55%.

Obviously, the results of the Catalan Participatory Vote would not be replicated in a legal referendum because yesterday the Si-Sis were the group who were most motivated to vote. If a legal referendum were agreed with the Spanish government, both the Nos and the Si-Nos would be able to mount a campaign and the opinions would be more evenly spread, although yesterday's results very strongly suggest that a clear majority of Catalans are in favour of independence from Spain.

Given the organisational difficulties of mounting a symbolic referendum of this type and the campaign against its validity from central government, getting well over 2 million people out to vote can only be considered an extraordinary success. It's obvious that the Catalan people want to be allowed to give their opinion on their political future and the Spanish government would be well advised to take note.

As I said before, allowing a legal referendum would mean that there would finally be a debate on Catalan independence and those against would be able to warn against the dangers of separation and also explain the advantages of Catalonia remaining in Spain. The tactic of prohibiting everything and denigrating Catalans' wishes to express themselves democratically has only led to a growing number of Catalans becoming pro-independence over the last couple of years.

However, the immediate reaction of the Spanish Minister of Justice, whose name oddly enough is Rafael Catalá, was to describe the Catalan participatory vote as a propaganda exercise with no legal or democratic validity. The Spanish public prosecutor is also looking into the possibility of taking legal action against those involved in the organisation of yesterday's symbolic celebration.

After he cast his vote yesterday, Artur Mas made a statement in Catalan, in which he switched to Castilian Spanish for a few seconds in order to say "el responsable soy yo" - "I'm responsible". If the Spanish Justice Minister decides to prosecute President Mas, he won't only foment the pro-independence lobby but will also create a hero-cum-martyr so he would be well-advised to let sleeping dogs lie.

If the Spanish government don't agree to a referendum, then sooner or later Mr Mas will call plebiscitary elections. These are normal Autonomic Elections that would be turned into a proxy referendum by the campaigns of the parties. President Mas's preferred option is for the pro-independence parties (his own CiU, Esquerra Republicana and the CUP) to stand together on a pro-independence ticket.

However, Esquerra Republicana want to declare independence unilaterally whilst Artur Mas favours continuing negotiations with Spanish central government. It's going to be difficult for the two main independence parties to come to an agreement on this so Catalan politics are going to remain in the news for some time to come.

***

If you are interested in the background historical reasons to the Catalan Independence movement, you may be interested in my book Catalonia Is Not Spain: A Historical Perspective.

It is available in paperback and Kindle version across the Amazon network.

Click here to buy Catalonia Is Not Spain: A Historical Perspective by Simon Harris on Amazon.es

Click here to buy Catalonia Is Not Spain: A Historical Perspective by Simon Harris on Amazon.co.uk

Click here to buy Catalonia Is Not Spain: A Historical Perspective by Simon Harris on Amazon.com

 



Like 0        Published at 8:32 AM   Comments (0)


Spam post or Abuse? Please let us know




This site uses cookies. By continuing to browse you are agreeing to our use of cookies. More information here. x